The Decline of Political Theory in the Mid-20th Century: Causes and Consequences
Introduction
The mid-20th century witnessed a marked decline in political theory, particularly in its normative dimension, within the broader discipline of political science. This period was characterized by the ascendancy of behaviouralism, the scientific turn in social sciences, and a growing emphasis on empirical research methodologies. These developments reoriented political inquiry away from value-laden philosophical reflection and toward observable, quantifiable political behavior. As a result, political theory found itself increasingly marginalized, raising questions about the nature, scope, and relevance of normative inquiry in the study of politics.
This essay evaluates the intellectual and historical factors behind the mid-century decline of political theory, analyzes the rise of behaviouralism and scientism, and assesses the broader implications for the discipline of political science.
I. Historical and Intellectual Context
1. The Post-War Environment
The aftermath of World War II and the onset of the Cold War had a significant influence on the direction of social sciences in general and political science in particular.
- The devastation wrought by ideologically driven regimes (e.g., Nazism, Fascism, and Stalinism) led to a deep skepticism about ideology and grand normative systems.
- There emerged a widespread belief that rationality, objectivity, and scientific detachment were essential to prevent political extremism and irrational mass movements.
This intellectual environment favored technocratic, data-driven analysis over value-laden speculation, creating fertile ground for the rise of behaviouralism.
2. Influence of Logical Positivism
The influence of logical positivism—a philosophical movement originating in the Vienna Circle—was profound.
- It asserted that only empirically verifiable statements or analytical truths (i.e., those verifiable by logic or mathematics) were meaningful.
- Ethical and normative statements were considered non-cognitive, as they could not be verified or falsified empirically.
This undermined the epistemological legitimacy of normative political theory, which was viewed as metaphysical or subjective.
II. The Behavioural Revolution and Its Critique of Traditional Theory
1. The Rise of Behaviouralism
In the 1950s and 1960s, political science underwent what is often termed the “Behavioural Revolution.”
- Spearheaded by scholars like David Easton, Gabriel Almond, and Robert Dahl, behaviouralism emphasized the study of actual behavior of political actors over the analysis of formal institutions or normative ideals.
- The focus shifted to empirical observation, hypothesis testing, and statistical modeling of political phenomena.
Easton’s call for a “pure science of politics” sought to place political science on the same methodological footing as the natural sciences, grounded in value-neutral observation and generalization.
2. Rejection of Classical and Normative Theory
Classical texts and thinkers—such as Plato, Aristotle, Rousseau, or Hegel—were dismissed by behaviouralists as speculative, unscientific, and irrelevant to the study of real-world politics.
- Normative inquiry was critiqued for being ideological, lacking predictive power, and failing to generate testable hypotheses.
- Behaviouralism redefined the goal of political science as explaining and predicting political behavior, rather than evaluating political ideals or institutions.
As a result, political theory was relegated to the margins, often confined to history or philosophy departments.
III. Consequences of the Decline of Political Theory
1. Methodological Narrowing of Political Science
The hegemony of behaviouralism led to a methodological narrowing of the discipline.
- Quantitative methods, survey research, and formal modeling became dominant.
- Critical, interpretive, and normative approaches were seen as unscientific, contributing to a disciplinary fragmentation.
2. Erosion of Normative Discourse
The marginalization of political theory meant that questions of justice, freedom, equality, and legitimacy—central to politics—received little scholarly attention.
- Political science risked becoming technocratic, focused more on how systems functioned than on how they ought to function.
- The absence of normative analysis limited the field’s ability to critique power, challenge injustice, or articulate alternative futures.
IV. Critiques and the Post-Behavioural Response
By the late 1960s and early 1970s, the behavioural paradigm faced increasing criticism, leading to what David Easton termed the “post-behavioural revolution.”
1. Credo of Relevance
Post-behaviouralists argued that political science had become detached from the urgent social and political issues of the time—such as civil rights, poverty, war, and inequality.
- Scholars like Sheldon Wolin and Leo Strauss called for a return to political philosophy, emphasizing the historical consciousness and moral engagement of classical theorists.
- The “Credo of Relevance” demanded that political science reconnect with normative concerns and the lived experience of political communities.
2. Revival of Political Theory
The 1970s and 1980s witnessed a revival of political theory, particularly in the wake of:
- John Rawls’ A Theory of Justice (1971), which reestablished normative theory as central to liberal democratic thought.
- The rise of critical theory, feminist theory, post-colonial theory, and communitarian critiques, all of which challenged the value-neutral claims of mainstream political science.
- Increasing recognition that empirical inquiry without normative direction was incomplete and politically naive.
V. The Continuing Need for Normative Theory
Despite the ongoing diversification of political science, the legacy of behaviouralism remains visible in many departments and journals. Yet, the reassertion of political theory has reaffirmed the necessity of normative inquiry for several reasons:
- It provides the moral and conceptual vocabulary to evaluate institutions and practices.
- It enables scholars and citizens to articulate visions of justice, rights, and the common good.
- It exposes the power relations and ideological assumptions embedded in supposedly neutral empirical data.
In an age marked by democratic backsliding, global inequality, and climate crises, the insights of political theory are essential for critical reflection and political action.
Conclusion
The mid-20th century decline of political theory was driven by an epistemological turn toward empiricism, scientific methodology, and value-neutrality, influenced by historical traumas and philosophical currents like logical positivism. While behaviouralism professionalized political science and broadened its methodological toolkit, it also sidelined normative inquiry, reducing the discipline’s capacity for ethical judgment and critical thought.
The subsequent revival of political theory—through Rawls, critical theory, and a pluralization of voices—has reaffirmed that politics is not merely about what is, but also about what ought to be. The tension between empirical rigor and normative relevance continues to shape the field, but few now dispute the necessity of both in understanding and transforming political life.
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