How has Indian politics transitioned from an ascriptive identity-based framework to a developmental and performance-oriented paradigm in the post-liberalisation era?

Transition of Indian Politics from Ascriptive Identity to Developmental and Performance-Oriented Paradigm in the Post-Liberalisation Era

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Introduction

Indian politics has historically been shaped by the salience of ascriptive identities—notably caste, religion, region, and language—which have served as central axes of political mobilization, representation, and conflict. However, the post-liberalisation era, especially from the 1990s onwards, has witnessed a partial but significant transformation of the political discourse and electoral competition. The rise of developmental narratives, governance performance, and aspirational politics has marked a shift from identity-centric mobilisation to issue-based voter alignment—though the two continue to coexist and interact in complex ways.

This essay critically examines the trajectory of this transition, analyzing the structural, institutional, and ideological factors that have enabled the shift, while interrogating the limits of the so-called “developmental turn” in Indian politics. It argues that while performance-based politics has gained momentum, identity politics has not been transcended but recalibrated, often woven into the discourse of development.

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1. Ascriptive Identity in Pre-Liberalisation Indian Politics

A. Institutionalization of Caste and Religion in Electoral Politics

• Since independence, caste and religion have been central to political representation and party strategies. The Congress system in the early decades relied on a broad-based coalition of castes and communities, while regional parties that emerged in the 1960s and 1970s—such as the DMK, Akali Dal, and Shiv Sena—emphasized linguistic and regional identities.
• The Mandal Commission implementation in 1990 intensified OBC mobilisation, leading to the rise of parties like the Samajwadi Party and Rashtriya Janata Dal, which centred social justice and identity affirmation.

B. Identity as a Mode of Empowerment

• In a hierarchical society, identity-based politics often became a vehicle for redistributive justice and political assertion for historically marginalized communities—especially Dalits and OBCs.
• Scholars such as Christophe Jaffrelot and Yogendra Yadav have argued that caste-based political assertion democratized India by bringing the subaltern to the centre of political processes, even as it reinforced community boundaries.

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2. Structural Shifts in the Post-Liberalisation Era

A. Economic Reforms and Rise of the Middle Class

• The economic liberalisation of 1991 catalyzed the emergence of a new urban, educated, consumption-driven middle class, whose political preferences shifted towards economic growth, infrastructure, and job creation.
• This aspirational class, increasingly disenchanted with identity-based patronage politics, began demanding efficient governance, developmental delivery, and merit-based performance.

B. Urbanisation, Media, and New Political Consciousness

• The proliferation of electronic media, social media, and 24×7 news cycles allowed citizens to monitor political leaders, track public policies, and demand accountability in real time.
• Issue-based campaigns—centered on corruption (e.g., Anna Hazare movement), inflation, and urban infrastructure—began to gain traction, particularly among urban and semi-urban voters.

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3. The Developmental Turn: Political Manifestations

A. BJP’s Post-2014 Discourse of “Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas”

• Under Narendra Modi, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) adopted a rhetoric that emphasized universal development, welfare schemes, and performance-based governance, marking a shift from overt Hindutva to aspirational nationalism.
• Initiatives such as Jan Dhan Yojana, Ujjwala Scheme, Swachh Bharat Abhiyan, and Digital India were projected as signs of efficient, inclusive governance.
• Modi’s personal image as a decisive, incorruptible leader reinforced a presidential style of performance politics, reducing the salience of caste and regional leaders in certain constituencies.

B. Emergence of AAP and Sub-National Developmentalism

• The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) in Delhi foregrounded public service delivery (education, health, electricity subsidies) and anti-corruption, demonstrating that urban poor and middle-class voters can be mobilized around governance outcomes.
• Similarly, regional parties like BJD in Odisha, TMC in West Bengal, and TRS (now BRS) in Telangana have adopted developmental populism, using welfare schemes and infrastructure development to secure electoral support.

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4. Persistent Salience and Adaptability of Identity Politics

A. Reinvention Rather than Decline

• Caste and religious identities have not disappeared; rather, they are rearticulated within the developmental idiom. For instance, welfare schemes are often targeted at specific communities (e.g., OBC scholarships, SC/ST hostels), reinforcing identity-based cleavages even within a developmental framework.
• Political parties continue to engage in symbolic representation—allocating tickets based on caste arithmetic, celebrating community leaders, and engaging in cultural mobilisation (e.g., Ram Mandir, caste censuses).

B. Electoral Strategy and “Welfarist Clientelism”

• Studies by scholars such as Rajeshwari Deshpande and Kanchan Chandra suggest that Indian voters assess performance through the lens of identity—demanding benefits for their group rather than abstract governance ideals.
• The phenomenon of “targeted populism”, where identity-based groups are selectively co-opted through subsidies, reservations, or symbolic gestures, reveals that performance and identity politics are not mutually exclusive but often strategically fused.

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5. Critical Reflections and Limitations

A. Democratic Deepening or Electoral Managerialism?

• While the shift toward developmental discourse suggests a maturing of democratic expectations, it also carries the risk of technocratic governance, where electoral outcomes depend more on image management and data-driven micro-targeting than on deliberative politics.
• Centralisation of leadership, especially in Modi’s model, may weaken institutional checks and reduce space for dissent and local deliberation.

B. Exclusion and Uneven Development

• The developmental paradigm often overlooks structural inequalities and exclusionary processes—e.g., agrarian distress, gender disparities, and regional imbalances—that require more than administrative efficiency.
• Marginalized communities may benefit from welfare delivery, but without transformative redistribution or representation, the structural injustices of caste, class, and gender remain entrenched.

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Conclusion

The post-liberalisation era has undoubtedly introduced a developmental and performance-oriented discourse into Indian electoral politics, marked by aspirational governance, technocratic legitimacy, and service delivery. However, this transformation is neither linear nor complete. Rather than a replacement, it reflects a layering of political logics, where identity-based mobilisation adapts to and coexists with performance-based evaluation.

Far from signalling the end of identity politics, the rise of developmental narratives has produced a more complex, hybrid political culture, where voters weigh community interests, governance outcomes, and leadership charisma simultaneously. The future of Indian democracy will depend on whether this hybridisation leads to inclusive development and substantive citizenship, or whether it further entrenches populism, managerialism, and selective redistribution.